Comment on an Asia Society discussion on Partition

A good discussion on Partition between Fareed Zakaria, Husain Haqqani and Nisid Hajari at the Asia Society can be found here:

http://asiasociety.org/blog/asia/video-former-pakistan-ambassador-hopes-calmer-dialogue-about-kashmir

In general, I liked the discussion because it gave me extra perspective on the events of the Partition, and because it was, in general, a forward-looking discussion. My comments on some of the discussion's specifics are below.

On M.A. Jinnah:

The respected panelists give the impression that M.A. Jinnah was a helpless and frustrated spectator while speechifying Congress leaders didn't take concrete action and allowed mayhem and  massacre of Muslims to happen.

Actually M.A.Jinnah was no helpless spectator and could have taken concrete action on many occasions, but never did. In many cases, it was his party Muslim League leading the mayhem against non-Muslims while he watched without speaking or taking action.

Some occasions were:

- the Manzilgah riots engineered by the Muslim League in Sindh in 1939

- the assassination of Sindhi Muslim leader opposing the League, Allah Baksh Sumroo by his Muslim League rival in 1943

- the Direct Action riots under Suhrawardy's Muslim League government in Calcutta, Bengal in August 1946

- the attack by Muslim Leaguers on a Muslim appointee to the Indian national cabinet in September 1946 in Simla [Advani, Jinnah and the secularism debate]  

- Being more responsible in his maximalist endeavours

          Jinnah and Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan told the Nawab of Rampur (a Muslim) in August 1947 that his Rampur state (far away from Pakistan's borders) would face violence from Muslim League if he 'deserted Pakistan and joined India'. He did and violence did ensue till Sardar Patel took concrete action.

 [Incidents recorded by Mountbatten
https://sites.google.com/site/cabinetmissionplan/mountbatten-and-jinnah-negotiations-on-pakistan-april-]

- Being more realistic in his maximalist endeavours.

        Jinnah demanded a land corridor through Delhi, Lucknow and Patna running between the West and East wings of Pakistan.  Did Jinnah imagine the non-Muslim residents of this 'corridor' would willingly and peacefully join Pakistan? There was never any security among Indians about what Jinnah would demand and what the British would grant him.

- Having less hatred for elected representatives of the Hindu majority

      Jinnah had threatened the Viceroy with civil war throughout 1940-1947 if elected Congress governments returned from their boycott in Hindu majority provinces. The British had granted him that point and kept the Congress leaders in jail.

     The Muslim League entered the national government in September 1946 and played an obstructionist uncooperative role until February 1947 when the British announced their plans to exit India. In October 1946, Jinnah urged the Viceroy to have a Muslim League national government excluding the Congress because 'Congress leaders were completely over-rated; had simply reached the position they had because they had been to jail and were therefore martyrs; that the personnel of the Muslim League was really completely superior in administrative capacity, etc'.

On M.K. Gandhi:

Gandhi can be indeed be held responsible for giving the impression that Hindus were eternally non-violent because he thereby gave Jinnah and the Muslim League a false impression that they could get their way by violence.

Sadly, when Hindus and Sikhs began retaliating to violent tactics by the Muslim League, the scale of destruction and death escalated badly.

On Gandhi speaking of non-Muslim women

Though Gandhi is dead and gone and the respected panelists today find fault with his speaking about the plight of non-Muslim women in those times, that particular issue is not yet history. Even today hundreds if not thousands of non-Muslim women are abducted, raped and forcibly converted in Pakistan.

http://articles.latimes.com/2012/apr/22/world/la-fg-pakistan-hindu-conversions-20120423

http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2014/08/forced-conversions-torment-pakistan-hindus-201481795524630505.html

Gandhi had to speak on the subject of abductions of non-Muslim women because the 'secular' Jinnah and other Muslim leaders refused to speak on it even when they were urged to do so.

Whether in 1924 in Kohat, Punjab:
http://sadhanag.blogspot.com/2014/05/on-coercion-of-non-muslim-women.html

Whether in Noakhali, Bengal in 1946:
https://sites.google.com/site/cabinetmissionplan/bengal-and-bihar-1946

Jinnah did not speak nor take concrete action in North West Frontier Province (NWFP) in February-March 1947 when Sikhs were killed and Sikh women attacked in a prolonged Muslim League agitation. A Sikh newspaper editor who supported the Muslim League even wrote to Jinnah in February 1947 urging him to end the Muslim League campaign protesting the return of an abducted Sikh woman. The NWFP Premier was almost killed in that agitation lead by the Muslim League.

https://sites.google.com/site/cabinetmissionplan/north-west-frontier-province-1946-47

Neither did Jinnah speak after the Punjab riots in March 1947 when at least 4000 Sikhs were killed and 100s of Sikh girls were abducted in West Punjab, principally Rawalpindi:

https://sites.google.com/site/cabinetmissionplan/punjab-february---march-1947

The respected panelists also did not mention what happened when tribal raiders from Pakistan advanced on Kashmir during the Kashmir war in 1947. The Pakistani raiders got delayed in getting to Kashmir's capital and ultimately lost the war because they stopped to rape women on the way.

Will the safety of women, non-Muslim or Muslim, ever be a priority for Pakistani leaders and the Pakistani state? The success of Pakistani endeavours in Afghanistan could be decided by this reality, as much as it informed the consequences of Jinnah's endeavours. Blaming Gandhi will not do it.

Emperor Akbar's minister Abu'l Fazl on why he chose to write on Hinduism

I recently went looking for something in 'Ain-i-Akbari', a record of Emperor Akbar's reign from 1556-1605 AD,  written by his minister Abu'l Fazl. 

'Ain-i-Akbari' comprises five books and I found that in one of these books,  Abu'l Fazl described Hindu philosophy and religious customs in significant detail.

His explanation for why he wrote on these subjects is worth reading in these times. The One God concept should not be the excuse to attack anyone in any age. However, apparently Abu'l Fazl felt that if people knew more about the Hindus' religious beliefs, they would refrain from attacking them.

I often wonder whether, if jihadists knew more about the wide world, except for the diehards, the rest might decide to refrain from attacking it. Perhaps, or perhaps not. After all, sadly, Emperor Akbar's own sons, grandsons, great grandsons and descendants went after each other with unrestrained brutality. Abu'l Fazl was himself murdered by agents of Emperor Akbar's son Salim, who became Emperor Jahangir.

Ain-i-Akbari, Volume III, Abu'l Fazl, translation by H.S.Jarrett
 (excerpts) (paragraphs mine)

(begin quotes)

ETHNOGRAPHY OF HINDUSTAN.
PREFATORY REMARKS

It has long been the ambitious desire of my heart to pass in review, to some extent, the general conditions of this vast country, and to record the opinions professed by the majority of the learned among the Hindus. I know not whether the love of my native land has been the attracting influence or exactness of historical research and genuine truthfulness of narrative, for Banákati,* Ḥáfiz A´brú and other ancient chroniclers have indulged in vain imaginings and recorded stories that have no foundation in fact. 

Nor were the motives altogether these, but rather that when I had arisen from the close retirement of studious application and discovered somewhat of the ignorance and dissensions of men, I formed the design of establishing peace and promoting concord. My original desire now renewed its possession of me, but a multiplicity of occupations prevented its gratification until the turns of fate brought about the composition of this striking record which has already branched out into such numerous details. 

Although my pen had occupied itself with the description of the Súbahs and had briefly recorded the annals of Hindustan, and now that the ambition of my heart had attained the time of its realisation, not content with the information I had already acquired, I had recourse to the knowledge of others and set myself to gather instruction from men of true learning. 

As I was unfamiliar with the science of terms in the Sanskrit language and a competent interpreter was not available, the labour of repeated translations had to be undertaken, until by good fortune and my own steadfastness of purpose, my object was at length attained. 

It then became clear that the commonly received opinion that Hindus associate a plurality of gods with the One Supreme Being has not the full illumination of truth, for although with regard to some points and certain conclusions, there is room for controversy, yet the worship of one God and the profession of His Unity among this people appeared facts convincingly attested.* 

It was indis­pensable in me, therefore, to bring into open evidence the system of philosophy, the degrees of self-discipline, and the gradations of rite and usage of this race in order that hostility towards them might abate, and the temporal sword be stayed awhile from the shedding of blood, that dissensions within and without be turned to peace and the thornbrake of strife and enmity bloom into a garden of concord. Assemblies for the discussion of arguments might then be formed and gatherings of science suitably convened.

Notwithstanding that at all periods of time, excellent resolutions and well-intentioned designs are to be witnessed and the extent of the world is never lacking in prudent men, why does misunderstanding arise and what are the causes of contention?

The First cause is the diversity of tongues and the misapprehension of mutual purposes, and thus the alloy of ill-will is introduced and the dust of discord arises.

Secondly, the distance that separates the learned of Hindustan from scientific men of other nationalities who thus are unable to meet, and if chance should bring them together, the need of an interpreter would preclude any practical result. An accomplished linguist capable of master­ing the intricacies of science and the abstruse speculations of philosophy among various nations and competent to give them luminous and efficient expression, is very rare. 

Even at the present time, when through His Majesty's patronage of learning and his appreciation of merit, the erudite of all countries are assembled, and apply themselves with united effort in the pursuit of truth, so proficient a person is not to be found. Such as thirst after the sweet-waters of wisdom and who leaving their native land undertake the wanderings of travel and with diligent assiduity employ their energies in the acquisition of various languages, are indeed uncom­mon. It needs a seeker such as Anushirwán, who amidst the pomp of empire should yet search for the jewel of wisdom, and a minister like Buzurjmihr, void of envy, as his counsellor, and both king and minister combined, to discover a coadjutor so unique and one so upright and intelli­gent as the physician Barzawaih, and then to send him with abundant means disguised as a merchant to Hindustan in order that with this capi­tal stock-in-trade he might obtain the interest of acquired wisdom; and again this sagacious personage, making no distinction between the absence or presence of his employers, must be diligent in his inquiries and succeed in the accomplishment of his desire through the frankness of his demeanour and his largesse of gold. 

Or the occasion would demand an inde­fatigable and lofty intellect like that of Ṭumṭum the Indian, who to receive the instruction of the divine philosopher Plato, passed from Hindustan into Greece and freighting his caravans with the requisites of travel, set himself to face the dangers of seas and deserts, and with the medicinal samples of wisdom perfected his spiritual health and the harmonious balance of his soul. Or a powerful mind and vigorous body such as Abu Maạshar of Balkh, enamoured of wisdom, who holding exile and his native country and toil and ease undissociated, travelled into India from Khorásán and garnered a store of knowledge at Benares and carried it as a gift of price to the learned of his own land.

Thirdly, the absorption of mankind in the delights of corporeal gratifi­cation, for men regard the absence of beauty in an object as placing it beyond the pale of existence and therefore not to be thought of as worth acquisition or productive of enjoyment. Their fastidiousness is averse from listening to accounts of foreign peoples even by way of apologue. And for­asmuch as their moral obliquity refuses to lend an ear and the glitter of this deceptive world lets fall a veil of ignorance before their eyes, what must be their state and how may grace illumine for them the lamp of guidance.?

Fourthly, indolence. Men account what is ready to hand as more precious than the chance of future possession and prefer ease to exertion. They will not undertake the trouble of profound investigation, and content with a superficial view, will not move a span's length to acquire a deeper insight. He alone is the true promoter of wisdom who, setting before his resolve the investigation of the concealed beauties of meaning, under the guidance of assiduous research and undaunted desire, plants his foot in the dread wilds of research, and reaches the goal of his ambition undismayed by countless labours, sustaining the burden of the road by the force of capacity on the shoulders of his ever resolute will.

Fifthly, the blowing of the chill blast of inflexible custom and the low flicker of the lamp of wisdom. From immemorial time the exercise of inquiry has been restricted, and questioning and investigation have been regarded as precursors of infidelity. Whatever has been received from father, director, kindred, friend or neighbour, is considered as a deposit under Divine sanction and a malcontent is reproached with impiety or irreligion. Although the few among the intelligent of their generation admit the imbecility of this procedure in others, yet will they not stir one step in a practical direction themselves.

Sixthly, the uprising of the whirlwind of animosity and the storms of persecution have stayed the few earnest inquirers from uniting to discuss their individual tenets and from meeting in friendly assemblies in a spirit of sympathy, and from distinguishing* commonalty of bond from vital estrangement, under the guidance of impartiality, in order that error may be severed from truth and the why and the wherefore weighed in the scales of sound judgment. 

Even just monarchs, unconscious of their obligations, have herein neglected them. Arrogance and self-interest have intervened and occasions of intercourse have been marred by per­plexities. Some have taken refuge in silence; others have found evasion in obscurity of language, while others again have extricated themselves by time-serving utterances. If temporal rulers had interested themselves in this matter and assuaged the apprehensions of men, assuredly many enlightened persons would have delivered their real sentiments with calm­ness of mind and freedom of expression. 

Through the apathy of princes, each sect is bigoted to its own creed and dissensions have waxed high. Each one regarding his own persuasion as alone true, has set himself to the persecution of other worshippers of God, and the shedding of blood and the ruining of reputation have become symbols of religious orthodoxy. Were the eyes of the mind possessed of true vision, each individual would withdraw from this indiscriminating turmoil and attend rather to his own solicitudes than interfere in the concerns of others. Amidst such unseemly discord, main purposes are set aside and arguments disregarded. If the doctrine of an enemy be in itself good, why should hands be stained in the blood of its professors? and even were it otherwise, the sufferer from the malady of folly deserves commiseration, not hostility and the shedding of his blood.

Seventhly, the prosperity of wretches without principle who deceit­fully win acceptance by affected virtue and rectitude. Such as these do much harm and truths are obscured through unrecognition.

Cease, Abul Fazal, cease! The manifestations of divine wrath are illimitable and infinite are the marvels of their record. Loose not thy hand from the cord of peace seized by thy good intention. Follow out thy long projected design. Though some of thy hearers will attain to wisdom and meet in rejoicing union, yet many will fall into sorrows and reap bewilderment. Thanks be to God that thou are not a hostage to the lament of ignorance nor the extoller of those that are in bonds.

(end quotes)

Connecting the dots: Pakistan's jihad policy, conflict-driven economy and hostage-taking

The Pakistan Army does not intend to end its jihad policies. Rather, it runs an international protection racket with jihadis as enforcers and only seeks international quiescence to continue.

Before 9/11,  under cover of international quiescence, Pakistan used overt violence by its military and jihadi proxies to pursue its aims in Afghanistan, Indian Kashmir and beyond.

After 9/11, Pakistan's overt use of  jihadi  proxies became untenable. Every year since, Pakistan watchers have speculated on whether Pakistan has finally given up on its militarism. Year upon year, when public officials and media in US, India and Afghanistan have made diplomatic overtures to Pakistan, they declared that Pakistan is indeed moving towards that culmination. [Indian mandarins quoted ; John Kerry;Doctrinal Shifts?;Ashraf Ghani needs Pakistan]

Pakistani authorities do occasionally make a show of bringing to book some of their jihadi clients. For instance, cases were filed against some of the Pakistani conspirators of the 26/11 Mumbai attacks, but these cases have now either stalled or been dismissed altogether.

The Pakistan Army has also conducted a number of military operations to dismantle the FATA sanctuaries of jihadi organizations including the recent  Zarb-e-Azb campaign. But these campaigns, while creating millions of refugees and costing many soldiers' lives have not been decisive and fighters continue to regroup elsewhere in the region. [Zarb-e-Azb fallout; Pakistani Taliban missile test; US drones kill Taliban and Al Qaeda] 

There is also a strong element of theater in these piecemeal military campaigns against terrorists -   the Pakistan Army often negotiates agreements with Pakistani Taliban [Killed while negotiating;  Prisoner releases; Peace Talks] and at other times the Pakistan Army accuses foreign intelligence agencies of funding them. [Foreign intelligence] 

Yet, continuing violence in Afghanistan, Kashmir, and  Pakistan, and the good health of many jihadi organizations shows that Pakistan has not given up on militarism. Pakistan has taken no decisive steps, either to shut down its jihadi infrastructure in the form of organizations and training camps, or to end the continuing jihadi violence against civilians within and outside Pakistan nor yet reform jihadi ideological education provided to school children and jihadi recruits.

Hence, Pakistan's willingness to hold talks with India and Afghanistan or extend cooperation to the US  does not mean it has given up on the use of jihadi proxies.

Rather, it appears that Pakistan merely seeks an elite consensus with the elites in Afghanistan, India and the US  to advance its strategic, economic and ideological aims  while continuing the use of jihadi proxies as pressure tactic. [Pakistan's confidence] It seeks elite quiescence as cover to continue violence against ordinary citizens and soldiers of these countries.

For instance, Pakistan wants India to yield on Kashmir and other points of conflict, without closing down the jihadi group Jamat-ud-Dawa, nor prosecuting the perpetrators of the 2008 Mumbai attacks nor stopping orchestrated jihadi attacks on Indian soldiers and civilians.[Najam Sethi at Clinton roundtable; Najam Sethi editorial]

Pakistan wants nuclear privileges, military and economic aid from US for cooperation in Afghanistan without withdrawing support for the Taliban and thereby undermining the US/NATO mission in Afghanistan. [Spring Offensive] 

Pakistan wants President Ghani to make concessions to it on Afghan governance, military matters and trade, all without any commitment to restrain Taliban from attacking Afghans on Afghan soil.  [Helmand Offensive] 

All this can summarized as the elites of Pakistan saying to elites of India, Afghanistan and the US 'Show some statesmanship  and become our hostages. Let us profit from improving ties with you while our jihadi proxies hold your citizens' lives hostage. What alternative do you have anyway'.

In other words, Pakistan is not pursuing peace either with India or Afghanistan nor behaving like an ally of the US. Rather, Pakistan is demanding concessions  alongside continuation of conflict for the purposes of demanding further concessions.

It is worth recalling what B.R. Ambedkar wrote in the 1940s about Muslim elite demands in the context of the Pakistan movement:

 "..there is a difference between appeasement and settlement, and that the difference is an essential one. Appeasement means buying off the aggressor by conniving at his acts of murder, rape, arson and loot against innocent persons who happen for the moment to be the victims of his displeasure. On the other hand, settlement means laying down the bounds which neither party to it can transgress. Appeasement sets no limits to the demands and aspirations of the aggressor. Settlement does. ".

In refusing to end its jihad militarism, Pakistan shows itself unwilling to accept bounds which it will not transgress in any agreement with India, Afghanistan or the US. Hence, buying it off will not end its aggression. It appears that the Pakistan Army is in the position of mafia dons and jihadi organizations are their enforcers. For past and recent ISI functionaries, this role of the Pakistan state, its Army and its jihadi proxies is officially imbued with ideological fervor. [Asad Ali Durrani speaking of DNA of Pakistanis on Al Jazeera ]

Such an international protection racket is similar to the domestic protection racket that is currently in place inside Pakistan between  common citizens, jihadi organizations, state organs, the Pakistan Army and some political parties. In lieu of a social contract as a basis for a stable society, it appears that least since the Afghan jihad, Pakistan has become sociologically predisposed to consider protection rackets as normal order of business.

As a corollary, Pakistan now has a quasi-conflict driven economy, with state entities like the Army dependent on conflict-linked cash and arms flows as well as large and growing shares of the national exchequer and land.  Development doesn't bring profits to the Army and jihadis, while conflict does. The uproar about the preconditions of the Kerry-Lugar Bill bear this out.  [Pakistans military riled by the Kerry-Lugar bill ; Editors' displeasure at Kerry-Lugar provisions]  

And for example, a number of ordinary citizens are held hostage in Pakistan. [Taseer annd Gilani; Foreign hostages] Those who don't pay up  are liable to get killed by jihadi proxies [French engineers] Sometimes paying doesn't help either. [Warren Weinstein]  Meanwhile the general public faces targeted mass killings in public places. [Shia killings; Terrorist incidents 2014 ;Terrorist incidents 2015]

A comprehensive strategy for realignment of national policy and better policing to protect vulnerable citizens from extortionists and kidnappers and also to end targeted killings by jihadi proxies of Shias, Christians, Ahmedis and other ordinary citizens are not priorities for the Pakistan ruling elite and its security forces.

Domestically, Pakistan's affected citizens have no leverage to effect a change. The conflict-linked economy is too profitable to the Army and jihadi organizations for either to change course.

On the international front, Pakistan's 'show statesmanship and become our hostages' exhortations to India are currently not working, even after it tried blackmail via breaking the longstanding ceasefire on the Line of Control and international border.

With respect to the US, in the short term the US continues to supply Pakistan with aid and arms. [US aid and arms] But in the medium term, Pakistan sees diminishing leverage as  the US pulls out of Afghanistan and gets out of its existing hostage situation with respect to Pakistan. To retain leverage and to slow the US troop withdrawal, Pakistan is now building a bogey of an ISIS threat.[Curious ISIS outrage about the Kerry-Lugar Bill ; Jalalabad ]

Meanwhile, given that Taliban continues to launch military offensives and attack civilians, Mr. Ghani is for now a permanent hostage of Pakistan, and has no options except to exhibit acquiescence to Pakistan and do a delicate balancing act between Afghanistan's security and Pakistan's pressure tactics. Since Pakistan takes no responsibility for ending Taliban violence, he is faced with civil war whether he makes nice with Pakistani whims or not. The best he can buy is time.

Prognosis for the future

Currently the Pakistan Army and other decision makers are protecting their jihadi proxies from accountability by blaming India for all violence in the region. [Pakistan Army accuses RAW; RAW 2]

This signals that Pakistan's international and domestic protection racket using violence will continue for now. Broad-based ideological and socioeconomic change in Pakistan is required before Pakistan's Army and other decision makers change their mindset and stop trying to trade on conflict and violence in international relations.

One such opportunity for change is China's recent decision to invest $46 billion in infrastructure projects in Pakistan. [Chinese investment] This economic initiative  will likely hit obstacles since like the Kerry-Lugar provisions, it will constitute an aberration in Pakistan's conflict-driven economy. The success of these development projects will not earn the Army either cash or arms, and simultaneously their jihadi proxies would also not get paid off.

In the pattern of its hostage-taking attempts with the US, Afghanistan and India, Pakistan may in future heat up the jihadi insurgency in Xinjiang, and thereby hold the Chinese development projects in Pakistan hostage for payoffs to its conflict economy. If China becomes too strong a rival to US interests, Pakistan might even wage jihad again in association with the US.