Tuesday, November 28, 2017

On being mentioned in a Pakistani newspaper


A response to this column had slipped my mind till now. It is unexpected to see one's name mentioned in a newspaper, and by someone I haven't interacted with for many years. Till some years ago, I interacted regularly with Indians and Pakistanis on a couple of discussion boards.These included chowk.com between late 1999 and the early/mid 2000s.

My disagreements with Yasser Hamdani fell in broadly two areas-
1. Pre-independence Hindu-Muslim  politics and the Pakistan movement
2. Pakistani jihadi groups

Anyone who defames me personally for holding my own views on pre-independence Hindu-Muslim  politics and the Pakistan movement, or for holding my own views on Pakistani jihadi groups,  has other problems than myself; narcissism is my guess.

I do hold a skeptical view of many who call themselves liberals in Pakistan. There are many Pakistanis who are unmistakably liberal-minded to the core and to them, I offer up my unreserved admiration and support. I hope India and Indians always remain open to warm relations with them.

There are other Pakistani 'liberals' who feel that India must subject itself to veto by Pakistan because a sovereign India, being Hindu-majority, undermines the security and existence of Muslim-majority Pakistan. I consider this point of view to be fundamentally bigoted.

These are also the same people who offer up their supposed Anglophone liberalism as fool's gold to targets of Pakistan's violent extremists, whether India or Afghanistan. The offer is 'concede money/territory/political power to the Pakistan state or its proxies, otherwise more of you will die to jihadis' attacks. And by the way, you are a hateful enemy of peace to say that Pakistanis or the Pakistani state support jihadi groups'.  Meanwhile the Pakistan government and the Army make their own internal peace with the same violent Pakistani extremists while beating down peaceful political groups.

Often this fool's gold is offered to the USA - 'liberal Pakistan is under threat from extremists(and it is), so please concede money/territory/political power to these extremists since you have no other choice'. Meanwhile the Pakistan government and the Army make their own internal peace with the same violent Pakistani extremists while beating down peaceful political groups. This choice is often blamed on India too.

Such Anglophone extortion-ism is establishmentarian-ism, not liberalism.

Friday, March 11, 2016

On being called an Islamophobe


On twitter, someone tweeted in response to current Taliban infighting,
"From 1990-1994/5, we remember intense infighting when the Mujahdis+backers killed each other for the glory of Islam."

I asked
"Does it make more sense for them to instead kill Afghans and Indians during 1987-2016 for the glory of Islam?"

He replied
"No it doesn't and perhaps if your questions would be less toxic one could even have a conversation."

I replied
" I am not the person to have a conversation about it, as I am not Muslim."

"The concept of killing for Islam is toxic&not a conversation starter with a non Muslim like me whose only role is to be corpse."

He replied
"Your tweets are nothing but toxic cliches about Islam, Muslims, Pakistanis, etc.  My condolences for a mind that had potential."

"This person thinks that all non-Muslims are considered as corpses by Muslims. Islamophobia at its worst. "

Actually, I didn't say all Muslims think of non-Muslims as corpses. I said that, in a conversation about killings for Islam, a non-Muslim like me has no standing except as a corpse.

Why do I say this? This is 2016. Pakistan has been supporting fighters it calls ‘mujaheddin’ and ‘jihadis’ to fight civilians and military across the borders in Afghanistan and India since 1987, namely, for almost 30 years.  I cite 1987 since that is the year of Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, a time when Pakistan's support of fighting should have ended under international accords Pakistan signed.

But Pakistan did not keep its commitment and in the almost 30 years since 1987, Pakistan sponsored fighting under rubric of Afghan and Kashmir jihad has killed 1-2 million civilians in Afghanistan and tens of thousands in India and Pakistan.

Fighters claiming to act in the name of Islam have killed government officials, political leaders, civilians, clerics, Indian, Afghan and international soldiers, bombed Parliaments and legislatures, destroyed towns and cities, sabotaged political accords, disrupted elections, shut down schools, killed doctors and teachers, attacked women, beheaded 1000s, and meted out Islamic punishments to millions. 

The killers have been motivated explicitly to fight for Islam, have been trained and supported by the Pakistani military, the Pakistani government, a number of Pakistani political parties, a wide cross section of clergy and such groups in the general public who believe in the religious purpose of their jihad.

Meanwhile other sections of the general Pakistani public, including minority religious groups have been under siege of increasing religiosity of their compatriots in the name of Islam. Christians face threat of blasphemy charges, Hindus face threats of kidnapping, forced marriages and forced religious conversions of underage daughters. Minority Muslim sects face threats of being declared apostates and heretics, punishable by murder. There is also the threat of violent vigilantism by the general public in the name of Islam.  It is difficult to find recourse in law for these threats as laws, law enforcement and the justice system are predisposed to favor the coercive 'Islamic' side in all disputes.

Many members of the Pakistani intelligentsia and clergy appear on TV programs and write articles in newspapers delineating what is Islam and what is not. The Afghan and Kashmir jihad are unequivocally considered to be Islamic or religious enterprises by them; these enterprises are never condemned, and are in fact praised, including in jihadi literature consumed by the general public. In addition, a number of jihadi killings within Pakistan are either condoned, even provoked in the name of religion by religious speakers in public forums. The Pakistan military has used jihadi groups to fight domestic dissidents in Balochistan and elsewhere.

At no time has any member of  Pakistani intelligentsia, clergy, government or military official, think tank expert, vigilante or jihadi ever granted their non-Muslim compatriots or even intended targets any standing in collective decision-making about the 30 year jihad enterprise. The term 'jihad' is used collectively by them for the sub-conventional warfare Pakistan is engaged in,  and the self-described jihad enterprise is all Muslim. In the face of these hard realities, no non-Muslim can  claim superior knowledge of Islam or designate as something else, a jihad that so many Muslims and the Pakistani state have made conscious choices to wage with avowed religious purpose for 30 years.

Not on one occasion have Pakistani nonMuslims like Asia Bibi, who has been sentenced to death for blasphemy against Islam, or underage Hindu and Christian girls kidnapped and converted to Islam for forcible marriages, been invited to debate Islam or the Islamic injunctions imposed on them. They are not asked to opine on whether they are under duress of real Islam or 'not real' Islam.

So I am thinking, why would the guy accuse me of Islamophobia for stating the plain fact that a nonMuslim has no role in the subject of killing for Islam except as a corpse?  He doesn’t designate any of those (Pakistan military, Pakistan government, politico-religious organizations, jihad-sympathetic intelligentsia, the jihadis themselves), who are officially engaged in the jihad enterprise in the name of Islam, as Islamophobes.

As far as I know, he doesn't refer to even a jihadi group named Jaish e Mohammed as Islamophobes though they kill in the name of Islam and the prophet. Have I committed worse sins against Islam and Muslims  than all the above-mentioned and  Jaish e Mohammed with my 3 tweets? I don't think so. But this guy does. Why?


Deliberate obfuscation? Possible.
I happen to think the guy’s reaction arises from 'ideology'- according to which Pakistanis are an enlightened set of people, Indians are willful wrongdoers, and jihadis are meting out deserved punishments to the sinning Indian nation and state. If and when Indians see the error of their ways and seek to satisfy Pakistan in accordance with Pakistan's more enlightened views, the jihadi punishment Pakistan imposes on Afghans and Indians will stop.

Now, this ideology needs non-Muslims to have a conversation with Pakistan about killings for Islam. A conversation praising the peacefulness of Islam, freeing Pakistanis from all responsibility for mass murders, seeking forgiveness for annoying them, and promising to reform one-selves according to Pakistani wishes so that Pakistan can disband the jihadis. The 30 year jihad was actually a 30 year reform movement, and Indians need to admit guilt, talk to Pakistan about how to reform and then reform themselves so that the 30 year reform movement can end.

Now if someone comes along and says that non-Muslims have no role in any conversation about jihad, it undermines this ideology, and puts the onus of 30 years of jihad, 2 million deaths, all the destruction and the free roaming killers right back on Muslim Pakistanis and their collective beliefs and choices.  There is no payoff, no moral high ground about impeccability of Islam and the erring ways of Indians, rather one would have to admit that Pakistan has engaged in war crimes and mass murder, maligning Islam more than any Indian can do.  No wonder this line of thought from me has to be dismissed as Islamophobia.

The reality is India, Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh all have solid and workable constitutions and their national existence is centered on upholding the processes, laws and rights defined in these constitutions. 

Those Pakistanis who think that Pakistan-sponsored mass murder in the name of Islam in the whole region is justified until India comes to heel had best realize the following.

The public and governments in the region believe firmly in their own constitutions and their own national trajectories and do not accept the Pakistani jihadi enterprise as the sort of supra-constitutional justice system that Pakistanis intend it to be.

Saturday, June 20, 2015

Comment on an Asia Society discussion on Partition

A good discussion on Partition between Fareed Zakaria, Husain Haqqani and Nisid Hajari at the Asia Society can be found here:


In general, I liked the discussion because it gave me extra perspective on the events of the Partition, and because it was, in general, a forward-looking discussion. My comments on some of the discussion's specifics are below.

On M.A. Jinnah:

The respected panelists give the impression that M.A. Jinnah was a helpless and frustrated spectator while speechifying Congress leaders didn't take concrete action and allowed mayhem and  massacre of Muslims to happen.

Actually M.A.Jinnah was no helpless spectator and could have taken concrete action on many occasions, but never did. In many cases, it was his party Muslim League leading the mayhem against non-Muslims while he watched without speaking or taking action.

Some occasions were:
- the Manzilgah riots engineered by the Muslim League in Sindh in 1939

- the assassination of Sindhi Muslim leader opposing the League, Allah Baksh Sumroo by his Muslim League rival in 1943

- the Direct Action riots under Suhrawardy's Muslim League government in Calcutta, Bengal in August 1946

- the attack by Muslim Leaguers on a Muslim appointee to the Indian national cabinet in September 1946 in Simla [Advani, Jinnah and the secularism debate]  

- Being more responsible in his maximalist endeavours
          Jinnah and Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan told the Nawab of Rampur (a Muslim) in August 1947 that his Rampur state (far away from Pakistan's borders) would face violence from Muslim League if he 'deserted Pakistan and joined India'. He did and violence did ensue till Sardar Patel took concrete action.
 [Incidents recorded by Mountbatten
https://sites.google.com/site/cabinetmissionplan/mountbatten-and-jinnah-negotiations-on-pakistan-april-]

- Being more realistic in his maximalist endeavours.
        Jinnah demanded a land corridor through Delhi, Lucknow and Patna running between the West and East wings of Pakistan.  Did Jinnah imagine the non-Muslim residents of this 'corridor' would willingly and peacefully join Pakistan? There was never any security among Indians about what Jinnah would demand and what the British would grant him.

- Having less hatred for elected representatives of the Hindu majority
      Jinnah had threatened the Viceroy with civil war throughout 1940-1947 if elected Congress governments returned from their boycott in Hindu majority provinces. The British had granted him that point and kept the Congress leaders in jail.

     The Muslim League entered the national government in September 1946 and played an obstructionist uncooperative role until February 1947 when the British announced their plans to exit India. In October 1946, Jinnah urged the Viceroy to have a Muslim League national government excluding the Congress because 'Congress leaders were completely over-rated; had simply reached the position they had because they had been to jail and were therefore martyrs; that the personnel of the Muslim League was really completely superior in administrative capacity, etc'.

On M.K. Gandhi:

Gandhi can be indeed be held responsible for giving the impression that Hindus were eternally non-violent because he thereby gave Jinnah and the Muslim League a false impression that they could get their way by violence.

Sadly, when Hindus and Sikhs began retaliating to violent tactics by the Muslim League, the scale of destruction and death escalated badly.

On Gandhi speaking of non-Muslim women
Though Gandhi is dead and gone and the respected panelists today find fault with his speaking about the plight of non-Muslim women in those times, that particular issue is not yet history. Even today hundreds if not thousands of non-Muslim women are abducted, raped and forcibly converted in Pakistan.

http://articles.latimes.com/2012/apr/22/world/la-fg-pakistan-hindu-conversions-20120423

http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2014/08/forced-conversions-torment-pakistan-hindus-201481795524630505.html

Gandhi had to speak on the subject of abductions of non-Muslim women because the 'secular' Jinnah and other Muslim leaders refused to speak on it even when they were urged to do so.

Whether in 1924 in Kohat, Punjab:
http://sadhanag.blogspot.com/2014/05/on-coercion-of-non-muslim-women.html

Whether in Noakhali, Bengal in 1946:
https://sites.google.com/site/cabinetmissionplan/bengal-and-bihar-1946

Jinnah did not speak nor take concrete action in North West Frontier Province (NWFP) in February-March 1947 when Sikhs were killed and Sikh women attacked in a prolonged Muslim League agitation. A Sikh newspaper editor who supported the Muslim League even wrote to Jinnah in February 1947 urging him to end the Muslim League campaign protesting the return of an abducted Sikh woman. The NWFP Premier was almost killed in that agitation lead by the Muslim League.

https://sites.google.com/site/cabinetmissionplan/north-west-frontier-province-1946-47

Neither did Jinnah speak after the Punjab riots in March 1947 when at least 4000 Sikhs were killed and 100s of Sikh girls were abducted in West Punjab, principally Rawalpindi:
https://sites.google.com/site/cabinetmissionplan/punjab-february---march-1947

The respected panelists also did not mention what happened when tribal raiders from Pakistan advanced on Kashmir during the Kashmir war in 1947. The Pakistani raiders got delayed in getting to Kashmir's capital and ultimately lost the war because they stopped to rape women on the way.

Will the safety of women, non-Muslim or Muslim, ever be a priority for Pakistani leaders and the Pakistani state? The success of Pakistani endeavours in Afghanistan could be decided by this reality, as much as it informed the consequences of Jinnah's endeavours. Blaming Gandhi will not do it.

Thursday, June 18, 2015

Emperor Akbar's minister Abu'l Fazl on why he chose to write on Hinduism


I recently went looking for something in 'Ain-i-Akbari', a record of Emperor Akbar's reign from 1556-1605 AD,  written by his minister Abu'l Fazl. 

'Ain-i-Akbari' comprises five books and I found that in one of these books,  Abu'l Fazl described Hindu philosophy and religious customs in significant detail.

His explanation for why he wrote on these subjects is worth reading in these times. The One God concept should not be the excuse to attack anyone in any age. However, apparently Abu'l Fazl felt that if people knew more about the Hindus' religious beliefs, they would refrain from attacking them.

I often wonder whether, if jihadists knew more about the wide world, except for the diehards, the rest might decide to refrain from attacking it. Perhaps, or perhaps not. After all, sadly, Emperor Akbar's own sons, grandsons, great grandsons and descendants went after each other with unrestrained brutality. Abu'l Fazl was himself murdered by agents of Emperor Akbar's son Salim, who became Emperor Jahangir.

Ain-i-Akbari, Volume III, Abu'l Fazl, translation by H.S.Jarrett
 (excerpts) (paragraphs mine)
(begin quotes)
ETHNOGRAPHY OF HINDUSTAN.
PREFATORY REMARKS

It has long been the ambitious desire of my heart to pass in review, to some extent, the general conditions of this vast country, and to record the opinions professed by the majority of the learned among the Hindus. I know not whether the love of my native land has been the attracting influence or exactness of historical research and genuine truthfulness of narrative, for Banákati,* Ḥáfiz A´brú and other ancient chroniclers have indulged in vain imaginings and recorded stories that have no foundation in fact. 

Nor were the motives altogether these, but rather that when I had arisen from the close retirement of studious application and discovered somewhat of the ignorance and dissensions of men, I formed the design of establishing peace and promoting concord. My original desire now renewed its possession of me, but a multiplicity of occupations prevented its gratification until the turns of fate brought about the composition of this striking record which has already branched out into such numerous details. 

Although my pen had occupied itself with the description of the Súbahs and had briefly recorded the annals of Hindustan, and now that the ambition of my heart had attained the time of its realisation, not content with the information I had already acquired, I had recourse to the knowledge of others and set myself to gather instruction from men of true learning. 

As I was unfamiliar with the science of terms in the Sanskrit language and a competent interpreter was not available, the labour of repeated translations had to be undertaken, until by good fortune and my own steadfastness of purpose, my object was at length attained. 

It then became clear that the commonly received opinion that Hindus associate a plurality of gods with the One Supreme Being has not the full illumination of truth, for although with regard to some points and certain conclusions, there is room for controversy, yet the worship of one God and the profession of His Unity among this people appeared facts convincingly attested.* 

It was indis­pensable in me, therefore, to bring into open evidence the system of philosophy, the degrees of self-discipline, and the gradations of rite and usage of this race in order that hostility towards them might abate, and the temporal sword be stayed awhile from the shedding of blood, that dissensions within and without be turned to peace and the thornbrake of strife and enmity bloom into a garden of concord. Assemblies for the discussion of arguments might then be formed and gatherings of science suitably convened.

Notwithstanding that at all periods of time, excellent resolutions and well-intentioned designs are to be witnessed and the extent of the world is never lacking in prudent men, why does misunderstanding arise and what are the causes of contention?

The First cause is the diversity of tongues and the misapprehension of mutual purposes, and thus the alloy of ill-will is introduced and the dust of discord arises.

Secondly, the distance that separates the learned of Hindustan from scientific men of other nationalities who thus are unable to meet, and if chance should bring them together, the need of an interpreter would preclude any practical result. An accomplished linguist capable of master­ing the intricacies of science and the abstruse speculations of philosophy among various nations and competent to give them luminous and efficient expression, is very rare. 

Even at the present time, when through His Majesty's patronage of learning and his appreciation of merit, the erudite of all countries are assembled, and apply themselves with united effort in the pursuit of truth, so proficient a person is not to be found. Such as thirst after the sweet-waters of wisdom and who leaving their native land undertake the wanderings of travel and with diligent assiduity employ their energies in the acquisition of various languages, are indeed uncom­mon. It needs a seeker such as Anushirwán, who amidst the pomp of empire should yet search for the jewel of wisdom, and a minister like Buzurjmihr, void of envy, as his counsellor, and both king and minister combined, to discover a coadjutor so unique and one so upright and intelli­gent as the physician Barzawaih, and then to send him with abundant means disguised as a merchant to Hindustan in order that with this capi­tal stock-in-trade he might obtain the interest of acquired wisdom; and again this sagacious personage, making no distinction between the absence or presence of his employers, must be diligent in his inquiries and succeed in the accomplishment of his desire through the frankness of his demeanour and his largesse of gold. 

Or the occasion would demand an inde­fatigable and lofty intellect like that of Ṭumá¹­um the Indian, who to receive the instruction of the divine philosopher Plato, passed from Hindustan into Greece and freighting his caravans with the requisites of travel, set himself to face the dangers of seas and deserts, and with the medicinal samples of wisdom perfected his spiritual health and the harmonious balance of his soul. Or a powerful mind and vigorous body such as Abu Maạshar of Balkh, enamoured of wisdom, who holding exile and his native country and toil and ease undissociated, travelled into India from Khorásán and garnered a store of knowledge at Benares and carried it as a gift of price to the learned of his own land.

Thirdly, the absorption of mankind in the delights of corporeal gratifi­cation, for men regard the absence of beauty in an object as placing it beyond the pale of existence and therefore not to be thought of as worth acquisition or productive of enjoyment. Their fastidiousness is averse from listening to accounts of foreign peoples even by way of apologue. And for­asmuch as their moral obliquity refuses to lend an ear and the glitter of this deceptive world lets fall a veil of ignorance before their eyes, what must be their state and how may grace illumine for them the lamp of guidance.?

Fourthly, indolence. Men account what is ready to hand as more precious than the chance of future possession and prefer ease to exertion. They will not undertake the trouble of profound investigation, and content with a superficial view, will not move a span's length to acquire a deeper insight. He alone is the true promoter of wisdom who, setting before his resolve the investigation of the concealed beauties of meaning, under the guidance of assiduous research and undaunted desire, plants his foot in the dread wilds of research, and reaches the goal of his ambition undismayed by countless labours, sustaining the burden of the road by the force of capacity on the shoulders of his ever resolute will.

Fifthly, the blowing of the chill blast of inflexible custom and the low flicker of the lamp of wisdom. From immemorial time the exercise of inquiry has been restricted, and questioning and investigation have been regarded as precursors of infidelity. Whatever has been received from father, director, kindred, friend or neighbour, is considered as a deposit under Divine sanction and a malcontent is reproached with impiety or irreligion. Although the few among the intelligent of their generation admit the imbecility of this procedure in others, yet will they not stir one step in a practical direction themselves.

Sixthly, the uprising of the whirlwind of animosity and the storms of persecution have stayed the few earnest inquirers from uniting to discuss their individual tenets and from meeting in friendly assemblies in a spirit of sympathy, and from distinguishing* commonalty of bond from vital estrangement, under the guidance of impartiality, in order that error may be severed from truth and the why and the wherefore weighed in the scales of sound judgment. 

Even just monarchs, unconscious of their obligations, have herein neglected them. Arrogance and self-interest have intervened and occasions of intercourse have been marred by per­plexities. Some have taken refuge in silence; others have found evasion in obscurity of language, while others again have extricated themselves by time-serving utterances. If temporal rulers had interested themselves in this matter and assuaged the apprehensions of men, assuredly many enlightened persons would have delivered their real sentiments with calm­ness of mind and freedom of expression. 

Through the apathy of princes, each sect is bigoted to its own creed and dissensions have waxed high. Each one regarding his own persuasion as alone true, has set himself to the persecution of other worshippers of God, and the shedding of blood and the ruining of reputation have become symbols of religious orthodoxy. Were the eyes of the mind possessed of true vision, each individual would withdraw from this indiscriminating turmoil and attend rather to his own solicitudes than interfere in the concerns of others. Amidst such unseemly discord, main purposes are set aside and arguments disregarded. If the doctrine of an enemy be in itself good, why should hands be stained in the blood of its professors? and even were it otherwise, the sufferer from the malady of folly deserves commiseration, not hostility and the shedding of his blood.

Seventhly, the prosperity of wretches without principle who deceit­fully win acceptance by affected virtue and rectitude. Such as these do much harm and truths are obscured through unrecognition.

Cease, Abul Fazal, cease! The manifestations of divine wrath are illimitable and infinite are the marvels of their record. Loose not thy hand from the cord of peace seized by thy good intention. Follow out thy long projected design. Though some of thy hearers will attain to wisdom and meet in rejoicing union, yet many will fall into sorrows and reap bewilderment. Thanks be to God that thou are not a hostage to the lament of ignorance nor the extoller of those that are in bonds.
(end quotes)



Thursday, May 07, 2015

Connecting the dots: Pakistan's jihad policy, conflict-driven economy and hostage-taking

The Pakistan Army does not intend to end its jihad policies. Rather, it runs an international protection racket with jihadis as enforcers and only seeks international quiescence to continue.

Before 9/11,  under cover of international quiescence, Pakistan used overt violence by its military and jihadi proxies to pursue its aims in Afghanistan, Indian Kashmir and beyond.

After 9/11, Pakistan's overt use of  jihadi  proxies became untenable. Every year since, Pakistan watchers have speculated on whether Pakistan has finally given up on its militarism. Year upon year, when public officials and media in US, India and Afghanistan have made diplomatic overtures to Pakistan, they declared that Pakistan is indeed moving towards that culmination. [Indian mandarins quoted ; John Kerry;Doctrinal Shifts?;Ashraf Ghani needs Pakistan]

Pakistani authorities do occasionally make a show of bringing to book some of their jihadi clients. For instance, cases were filed against some of the Pakistani conspirators of the 26/11 Mumbai attacks, but these cases have now either stalled or been dismissed altogether.

The Pakistan Army has also conducted a number of military operations to dismantle the FATA sanctuaries of jihadi organizations including the recent  Zarb-e-Azb campaign. But these campaigns, while creating millions of refugees and costing many soldiers' lives have not been decisive and fighters continue to regroup elsewhere in the region. [Zarb-e-Azb fallout; Pakistani Taliban missile test; US drones kill Taliban and Al Qaeda] 

There is also a strong element of theater in these piecemeal military campaigns against terrorists -   the Pakistan Army often negotiates agreements with Pakistani Taliban [Killed while negotiating;  Prisoner releases; Peace Talks] and at other times the Pakistan Army accuses foreign intelligence agencies of funding them. [Foreign intelligence

Yet, continuing violence in Afghanistan, Kashmir, and  Pakistan, and the good health of many jihadi organizations shows that Pakistan has not given up on militarism. Pakistan has taken no decisive steps, either to shut down its jihadi infrastructure in the form of organizations and training camps, or to end the continuing jihadi violence against civilians within and outside Pakistan nor yet reform jihadi ideological education provided to school children and jihadi recruits.

Hence, Pakistan's willingness to hold talks with India and Afghanistan or extend cooperation to the US  does not mean it has given up on the use of jihadi proxies.

Rather, it appears that Pakistan merely seeks an elite consensus with the elites in Afghanistan, India and the US  to advance its strategic, economic and ideological aims  while continuing the use of jihadi proxies as pressure tactic. [Pakistan's confidence] It seeks elite quiescence as cover to continue violence against ordinary citizens and soldiers of these countries.

For instance, Pakistan wants India to yield on Kashmir and other points of conflict, without closing down the jihadi group Jamat-ud-Dawa, nor prosecuting the perpetrators of the 2008 Mumbai attacks nor stopping orchestrated jihadi attacks on Indian soldiers and civilians.[Najam Sethi at Clinton roundtable; Najam Sethi editorial]

Pakistan wants nuclear privileges, military and economic aid from US for cooperation in Afghanistan without withdrawing support for the Taliban and thereby undermining the US/NATO mission in Afghanistan. [Spring Offensive] 

Pakistan wants President Ghani to make concessions to it on Afghan governance, military matters and trade, all without any commitment to restrain Taliban from attacking Afghans on Afghan soil.  [Helmand Offensive

All this can summarized as the elites of Pakistan saying to elites of India, Afghanistan and the US 'Show some statesmanship  and become our hostages. Let us profit from improving ties with you while our jihadi proxies hold your citizens' lives hostage. What alternative do you have anyway'.

In other words, Pakistan is not pursuing peace either with India or Afghanistan nor behaving like an ally of the US. Rather, Pakistan is demanding concessions  alongside continuation of conflict for the purposes of demanding further concessions.

It is worth recalling what B.R. Ambedkar wrote in the 1940s about Muslim elite demands in the context of the Pakistan movement:

 "..there is a difference between appeasement and settlement, and that the difference is an essential one. Appeasement means buying off the aggressor by conniving at his acts of murder, rape, arson and loot against innocent persons who happen for the moment to be the victims of his displeasure. On the other hand, settlement means laying down the bounds which neither party to it can transgress. Appeasement sets no limits to the demands and aspirations of the aggressor. Settlement does. ".

In refusing to end its jihad militarism, Pakistan shows itself unwilling to accept bounds which it will not transgress in any agreement with India, Afghanistan or the US. Hence, buying it off will not end its aggression. It appears that the Pakistan Army is in the position of mafia dons and jihadi organizations are their enforcers. For past and recent ISI functionaries, this role of the Pakistan state, its Army and its jihadi proxies is officially imbued with ideological fervor. [Asad Ali Durrani speaking of DNA of Pakistanis on Al Jazeera ]

Such an international protection racket is similar to the domestic protection racket that is currently in place inside Pakistan between  common citizens, jihadi organizations, state organs, the Pakistan Army and some political parties. In lieu of a social contract as a basis for a stable society, it appears that least since the Afghan jihad, Pakistan has become sociologically predisposed to consider protection rackets as normal order of business.

As a corollary, Pakistan now has a quasi-conflict driven economy, with state entities like the Army dependent on conflict-linked cash and arms flows as well as large and growing shares of the national exchequer and land.  Development doesn't bring profits to the Army and jihadis, while conflict does. The uproar about the preconditions of the Kerry-Lugar Bill bear this out.  [Pakistans military riled by the Kerry-Lugar bill ; Editors' displeasure at Kerry-Lugar provisions]  

And for example, a number of ordinary citizens are held hostage in Pakistan. [Taseer annd Gilani; Foreign hostages] Those who don't pay up  are liable to get killed by jihadi proxies [French engineers] Sometimes paying doesn't help either. [Warren Weinstein]  Meanwhile the general public faces targeted mass killings in public places. [Shia killings; Terrorist incidents 2014 ;Terrorist incidents 2015]

A comprehensive strategy for realignment of national policy and better policing to protect vulnerable citizens from extortionists and kidnappers and also to end targeted killings by jihadi proxies of Shias, Christians, Ahmedis and other ordinary citizens are not priorities for the Pakistan ruling elite and its security forces.

Domestically, Pakistan's affected citizens have no leverage to effect a change. The conflict-linked economy is too profitable to the Army and jihadi organizations for either to change course.

On the international front, Pakistan's 'show statesmanship and become our hostages' exhortations to India are currently not working, even after it tried blackmail via breaking the longstanding ceasefire on the Line of Control and international border.

With respect to the US, in the short term the US continues to supply Pakistan with aid and arms. [US aid and arms] But in the medium term, Pakistan sees diminishing leverage as  the US pulls out of Afghanistan and gets out of its existing hostage situation with respect to Pakistan. To retain leverage and to slow the US troop withdrawal, Pakistan is now building a bogey of an ISIS threat.[Curious ISIS outrage about the Kerry-Lugar Bill ; Jalalabad ]

Meanwhile, given that Taliban continues to launch military offensives and attack civilians, Mr. Ghani is for now a permanent hostage of Pakistan, and has no options except to exhibit acquiescence to Pakistan and do a delicate balancing act between Afghanistan's security and Pakistan's pressure tactics. Since Pakistan takes no responsibility for ending Taliban violence, he is faced with civil war whether he makes nice with Pakistani whims or not. The best he can buy is time.

Prognosis for the future

Currently the Pakistan Army and other decision makers are protecting their jihadi proxies from accountability by blaming India for all violence in the region. [Pakistan Army accuses RAW; RAW 2]

This signals that Pakistan's international and domestic protection racket using violence will continue for now. Broad-based ideological and socioeconomic change in Pakistan is required before Pakistan's Army and other decision makers change their mindset and stop trying to trade on conflict and violence in international relations.

One such opportunity for change is China's recent decision to invest $46 billion in infrastructure projects in Pakistan. [Chinese investment] This economic initiative  will likely hit obstacles since like the Kerry-Lugar provisions, it will constitute an aberration in Pakistan's conflict-driven economy. The success of these development projects will not earn the Army either cash or arms, and simultaneously their jihadi proxies would also not get paid off.

In the pattern of its hostage-taking attempts with the US, Afghanistan and India, Pakistan may in future heat up the jihadi insurgency in Xinjiang, and thereby hold the Chinese development projects in Pakistan hostage for payoffs to its conflict economy. If China becomes too strong a rival to US interests, Pakistan might even wage jihad again in association with the US.





Saturday, May 10, 2014

On coercion of non-Muslim women

When history is contested or contentious, for the sake of harmony, one makes a choice about whether to call attention to it or not.

But people get hurt when violent history repeats itself. Potential victims in the present day are more vulnerable because people kept silent about what happened in the past. If caste oppression is happening today, it must be stopped, and for this, caste oppression of the past must be recalled. Indians must never forget communal riots including the 2002 Gujarat riots or the 1984 Delhi riots if we want to prevent their re-occurence and stall the impunity with which they occured.

This news item(among others) about abductions of non-Muslim women in Pakistan merits recall of some India-Pakistan history.

http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/02-May-2014/forced-conversions-in-the-land-of-the-pure
[The recent report issued by the Movement for Solidarity and Peace in Pakistan (MSP)]] reported that as many as 1,000 girls, aged 12 to 25, 70 percent of them Hindu and 30 percent Christian, are abducted yearly, forcefully converted to Islam by their captors, married off to men who usually rape them and, simultaneously, force them into prostitution and human trafficking. More so, the people behind these inhumane and barbaric practices have not been brought to book by our government. Our founder, Muhammmad Ali Jinnah, promised the minorities their due rights. Our constitution too promises them protection but, despite this, they have been living under siege.

Such incidents do not happen in India that I have ever heard or read of, including before independence. I have little knowledge of what specifically Islamic scriptures say about the treatment of non-Muslim women, but vast millions of Muslims uphold decency everywhere every day by honoring those scriptural injunctions only in the breach.

Yet, as quoted above, non-Muslim women in Pakistan who do not subscribe to these injunctions,  have suffered from their imposition today and yesterday and last month and will suffer for these injunctions  tomorrow, next week, next month and next year.

I post this small exhumation of history for their sakes.

The first instance is related to riots in Kohat  in 1924.

The publication of a poem defamatory to Islam in a pamphlet of Krishna bhajans was the immediate cause of Hindu-Muslim tensions. An apology from Kohat's Hindu community leaders and their burning of all the pamphlets(with Krishna pictured on the covers) did not mend matters. The release of the publisher on bail precipitated riots. Many were killed and looted, and a number of Hindus and Sikhs converted to Islam. After the riots, the entire Hindu and Sikh population numbering about 3500 among 15000 Muslims migrated out of  Kohat. Temple desecrations took place in Kohat and other places in India.

Mahatma Gandhi made himself part of a fact-finding team to enquire into the riot. He concluded that the Hindu-Muslim tension predated the publication of the offending pamphlet. However, another member of the fact-finding team, Maulana Shaukat Ali, did not agree on this or on other matters related to the riot which Gandhi found salient. 

So what was one longstanding cause of Hindu-Muslim tension that Gandhi found?

Gandhiji questioned two, one must say, honest, Kohat residents willing to be questioned about the riots.

101. EXAMINATION OF KAMAL JAILANE ON KOHAT RIOT (excerpts)
Q. Do you live near Kohat?
A. I live quite close by.
Q. Are you a zamindar?
A. I am a zamindar. I own several villages in. . . . Besides these our ancestors were given shares in lands in almost all the villages (here).
Q. What do you think is the cause of the disturbance between the Hindus and Mussalmans?
A. I think it was due to several causes that existed already. The pamphlet affair proved to be the last drop. It occasioned the outbreak, but the hearts of the parties had been poisoned already.
Q. Will you please briefly explain yourself on this point?
A. For the last few years the Hindus have been [per]secuting such persons as became converts to Islam, by starting law-suits against them, thus giving vent to their resentment.
Q. Since when ?
A. The practice commenced some four or five years ago and some recent instances are: (1) a photographer's wife in Kohat, a Hindu woman in Tal, and a Hindu in Bhago, who were converted to Islam. (2) Then there was a case of a Hindu embracing Islam, or becoming a Sheikh and marrying a Mussalman woman, his subsequent reconversion to Hinduism, and institution of a law-suit in connection with the woman. (3) The filing of a suit by the Mussalmans in connection with a Mussalman girl, their failure to obtain the desired sentence against the accused, the whole thing being followed by (a campaign of) litigation (against each other). (4) The securing by the Mussalmans of more than their due share of representation in social and political life and the starting of some Hindu organizations by some Hindu young men, etc. (are some other causes.)

Q. Is this (the last thing) also four or five years old?
A. It happened within the last four or five years.

Examination of Ahmad Gul, Rawalpindi, February 6, 1925 (excerpts)

Q: Pir Saheb said that more than four years earlier the Hindus did not care for those Hindus who were converted to Islam, and it was since then that they were resorting to courts. What is your opinion in the matter?
A. In this respect I differ from him. It happened only in the cases of converted women and not of men. ..

Q. Are you of the same opinion that every year 100 or 150 conversions take place?
A. I do not agree with the number. To my mind the number is 40 in a year on the average and in this people from outside are also included.

Q Are you of the same opinion as Pir Saheb regarding conversion of women?
A. If no pressure has been used in the case of a woman. If she accepts Islam under
pressure, the Muslims are forced to let her go to her Hindu husband.

Q. If the court decides in favour of the Hindu husband, would the Muslims still not return the woman?
A. No, the Muslims would not agree to it and will consider her connection with her Hindu husband illegitimate.

Q. Can the Muslims conceal the woman or adopt some other method about it?
A. It will be the duty of the Muslims not to let the woman go to her Hindu husband, as her bond with her Hindu husband is broken as soon as she accepts Islam.

Gandhiji spoke on this issue a few days later.

118. SPEECH AT SATYAGRAHA ASHRAM, SABARMATI
February 10, 1925

I am in the predicament of  a man who having come to know that there is a serpent under his mattress shakes the mattress vigorously, sweeps the room and washes the floor with water. I have come to know what I did not know earlier about the situation in Kohat. I talk to you about it because it is a matter concerning religion. We all have to take this as a warning.

It does not mean that we have to do something special and novel; but we have to prepare ourselves mentally and emotionally. We have to become purer.
At this stage Gandhiji referred to the number of conversions in Kohat and said:
That number may possibly be considered as small elsewhere. In an area were Muslims barely number 15,000,this is terrible. The Hindus there woke up and the Muslims could not tolerate the awakening; those looking for a chance to wreak vengeance found it in the form of that booklet.

If that was the only reason, the man concerned could have been arrested, he could have been crushed, and perhaps all those connected with the booklet could have been crushed. But here the whole community was persecuted. Its cause must be deep-seated. I found that cause quite by chance. The Muslims said many things frankly about proselytization. But that activity has hurt me very much.

http://www.gandhiserve.org/cwmg/VOL030.PDF


Ultimately, Gandhi and Shaukat Ali could not agree on at least two things. Shaukat Ali did not consider that Hindu-Muslim tension predated the pamphlet incident, and that important causes for the tension were that,  Hindus approached courts to recover  women who had been forcibly converted; and  that, Muslims refused to accept court rulings to return the women. Secondly, Maulana Shaukat Ali disowned the validity of forced conversions to Islam but did not accept that there had been forcible conversions during the Kohat rioting.

An opportunity for a prominent Muslim leader to disown any Muslim ill-treatment of non-Muslim women was lost.

Another instance of history bears recall. The news item above says
 "Our founder, Muhammmad Ali Jinnah, promised the minorities their due rights. Our constitution too promises them protection but, despite this, they have been living under siege."

However, in late 1946- early 1947, it was M.A.Jinnah's Muslim League which was laying seige on these minorities. The Muslim League launched an agitation in North West Frontier Province (NWFP) demanding the return of a Sikh woman who had been widowed, abducted, converted and married off to a Muslim husband by rioters. She was later recovered by Dr. Khan Sahib's provincial government and returned to her Sikh relatives on her own request, at which point the Muslim League demanded her return to the Muslims.

The Khan Sahib ministry of Khudai Khidmatgars in NWFP was arguably the most fearless and pure-hearted provincial government in all of India in the matter of defending minorities' rights, yet even Dr Khan Sahib's personal bravery and stead fasted-ness could not quell the violence that accompanied the Muslim League's agitation.

Parshotam Mehra writes in The North-West Frontier Drama, 1945-1947 :

"A case that was to gain considerable notoriety was the forcible conversion to Islam of a pregnant Sikh girl who was also coerced into marrying one of the gang members reponsible for the murder of her husband. As a result, the Sikh evacuees threatened not to return to their homes, a move that was bound to slow down any reversion to normal conditions.... To silence the critics, she was produced before the district magistrate where she swore she wanted to rejoin her faith. To squash wild rumors that this was false and that she was being coerced, the premier had invited Abdul Qaiyum and other League leaders to hear her testimony. Even though persuaded of the truth, they refused to yield the political high ground they now occupied. Khan Sahib, they charged, was not behaving as a true Muslim. Having allowed his own daughter to marry a non-Muslim (her husband, Jaswant Singh, who was a pilot in the Royal Indian Air Force, was actually an Indian Christian, not a Hindu, as the League charged) he was now privy to a Muslim girl reverting to her Sikh faith!"

The NWFP governor Olaf Caroe wrote to Viceroy Wavell
PESHAWAR, 22 February 1947

We had a bad day yesterday and are in for a difficult period. After the Mardan election the League began to think out methods of direct action, partly  stimulated by Punjab events and partly yielding to the cry of Islam in danger over the Sikh girl married to a Moslem in Hazara after her Sikh husband had been murdered in the Hazara disturbances. She was brought into Peshawar, and Dr. Khan Sahib put her up in his own house, unwisely as I think, and as I told him.

She was kept there for several days and gave a perfectly fair statement at the end of it in presence of her new Moslem husband and her Sikh relations that she wished to return to Sikhism. She was thereupon sent back to Hazara, where to save her life she has had to be placed in protective custody in jail.

The League are trying to make what capital they can out of this affair on the lines of the Islam Bibi case of ten years ago, which originally set the Faqir of Ipi going. They arranged a large protest meeting in Peshawar, and took the opportunity of attacking what they call the black laws in Hazara and the methods adopted in handling the Hazara border tribes, and they have been busy in Mardan also.

In Peshawar we decided to keep them out of the Cantonment, and we had adequate police forces available, but the meeting developed into a procession of at least 5000 which broke the cordons and came right up the road in front of my house into the Premier's garden, again breaking the cordon and besieging his house on all sides.  I am sorry to say that the police refused to obey orders to open fire. Tear gas was used, but without effect. The police did not actually mutiny or anything of that kind, but though they went through the motions of loading they just quietly disobeyed orders to fire. The mob in Khan Sahib's garden was dangerous; it broke all his windows and threw stones into the rooms, but did not succeed in storming the house. The old man was brave as a lion, and went out on top of the porch to tell the crowd what he thought of them. He refused to give away any points, and eventually the Deputy Commissioner was able to get the crowd to move on to the jail.

In the circumstances Dr. Khan Sahib was lucky to get away with his life."

Jawaharlal Nehru as minister in charge of Frontier affairs wrote on the matter to Viceroy Wavell:
13 March 1947

Dear Lord Wavell,
As you know, events in the Punjab and in the Frontier Province have been distressing us very greatly. Conditions there do not seem to be improving. Last night I had a telephone conversation with Sardar Baldev Singh who was in Lahore and the account he gave me of what was happening round about Rawalpindi was terrible. Evidently press and other reports do not give all the facts.

In the Frontier Province the agitation led by the Muslim League has now definitely taken a communal turn. The demands of the Muslim League there have been, and are, refund of the fines levied on and realised from the Nandihar tribes in the Hazara area and the return of a Sikh woman who was forcibly converted and I believe raped. These demands are very extraordinary. You know the circumstances in which action was taken against the Nandihar tribes and a relatively moderate fine was imposed on them. This fine was agreed to and has in fact been paid. No further operations were undertaken. To ask for the return of this fine is to put an end to the whole administration of the tribal areas. Also, to ask for the return of the Sikh woman is fantastic and immoral. She was forcibly taken away and she does not want to return. She has been mishandled and ill-treated. The question to consider should be what punishment to inflict on those who treated her in this way. Instead of this a demand is put forward by the Muslim League and supported by agitation for her return to her original captors. No government can agree to such demands, whatever the consequences.

Governor Caroe wrote to Viceroy Wavell on the same day:
"North-West Frontier Province situation. After their victory in Mardan election in the middle of February local League started on direct action against Ministry, partly stimulated by events in the Punjab but making their cause of action the measures take to control Hazara situation. Particular point was made of case of Sikh woman who after murder of her husband was married to Mohammedan and after staying some days in Premier's house had made free statement before both parties that she wished to return to Sikh relations and had therefore been released under law(action taken by authorities in this case was lawful and just).

On February 21st large and dangerous procession formed in Peshawar city, marching into cantonment, overpowering police, and surrounding Premier's house of which windows were broken but fortunately no loss of life occurred.  Meanwhile League leaders instituted picketing of courts and public buildings and had been defying bans Section 144 in Mardan and elsewhere. As a result of this and of demonstrations in Peshawar League leaders, including most of the M.L.As., were arrested with the result that with budget session starting on March 10th main body of Opposition was in jail. Arrests were however made for bailable offences or under security sections and those arrested could have obtained freedom by giving security or bail. On my advice Ministry, though reluctant, have refrained from arrest of Manki Mullah.

2. While strongly supporting Ministry in action taken to  maintain law and control dangerous demonstrations, I urged them to open negotiations with the League leaders on basis of statement of February 20th before Assembly met. This they refused to do and League demonstration was staged at Assembly Hall on March 10th. It was necessary to support police with troops. Mob made ugly rushes and troops had to open controlled fire. Seven rounds fired, 15 casualties sustained of which two have subsequently died. This clash has on the whole steadied situation but immediate result was that 17 cases of stabbing Hindus took place on the same afternoon in Peshawar City. In consultation with military I decided to occupy city forthwith and impose curfew. Portion of British battalion in Peshawar with other troops was utilised for this purpose and had reassuring effect all around. Communal incidents have now spread to villages east and south of Peshawar where there have been some murders and some forcible conversions of Sikhs.."

Mehra writes
"By 25 April[1947], when the army brought the situation to some semblence of normalcy, the toll had risen to 118 killed. While almost the entire Hindu-Sikh population living in rural areas, approximating 16,000 and many more in the towns, had move into refugee camps or spilled over into neighbouring Punjab. By mid-May, an estimated 60 percent of the minority community in Peshawar, Mardan and Kohat had left the province; the percentages in Hazara and D I Khan being much higher..."

Mehra also writes
[On June 5 1947] Jinnah in his broadcast from All-India Radio.. asked the Provincial Muslim League 'to withdraw the movement of peaceful Civil Disobedience' which they 'had perforce to resort to' and expressed his 'appreciation' of the sufferings and sacrifices made 'by all classes' of Muslims and 'particularly the great part the women of the Frontier' played in the 'fight for civil liberties'. ... [In response to Jinnah's broadcast] Khan Sahib... called into question the Quaid's 'conception of civil liberties.' The Muslim League movement which Jinnah had eulogized had started 'very definitely on a communal basis' and was responsible for 'brutal murders on a large scale', continuing violence and occasionally arson.
In my view, the Muslim League used agitation around the return of the Sikh woman as a prop for advancing the cause of Pakistan. The 'liberal' Muslim League not only did not disown the forcible conversion of a non-Muslim woman, it upheld it in the name of religion!

Another opportunity was lost to disown Muslim ill-treatment of non-Muslim women; in fact, Muslim League validated it by public agitation.

In my personal opinion, in 1947 and in 1971,  Pakistan's international borders were determined in large part by such un-enlightened attitudes towards non-Muslim women. It might even be similar 'scripture-dictated' Muslim treatment of Muslim women in times of war which will determine the success or failure of Pakistani state-sponsored coercion in Afghanistan.

In spite of decent Muslims honoring their scriptures only in the breach in such matters(as I mentioned before), the question of how non-Muslim women should be treated in 'Islamic' societies is still an open one. Wider Muslim society is unable to prevent scriptural justifications for abductions, conversions and coercion of non-Muslim women by opportunists, whether proselytizers, bandits or politicians.

I strongly feel that any scriptural injunctions in Islam which relate to non-Muslim women being legitimate pickings must be explicitly and categorically rejected at all levels of Muslim society (religious authorities, politicians, school textbooks) for the sake of morality, modernity and pluralism.

Tuesday, February 11, 2014

On pulping books on Hinduism

The news that Penguin India agreed to withdraw Wendy Doniger's book 'The Hindus: An Alternative History' and destroy all copies in India is very disturbing. Penguin and Wendy Doniger must have every freedom to publish what they choose on Hinduism.

Another reason it is disturbing is that apparently some Hindus are not confident that academics like Wendy Doniger(WD) can be challenged authoritatively in academia or elsewhere.

To explain further - WD and other academics employ a practice of sexualizing Hindu texts and claiming that these sexualizations  are legitimate alternate interpretations of objects, symbols and characters in  Hindu tradition. The question is are these exercises in sexualization, authentic readings of Hindu tradition?

These are certainly  authentically WD's interpretations. But a student of Hinduism goes to a scholar of Hinduism like WD to learn, do WD's alternate interpretations authentically represent anything in the history of Hindu tradition? This legitimate question is however deemed by many to be irrelevant and a sign of intolerance.

An illustrative example on sexualization goes as follows. Say a student A wants to know more about his own mother's origins back to ancient times. A historian 'WD' obligingly reads tomes of Sanskrit texts and provides a great deal of detail about where his mother's ancestors came from, where they lived, what were their professions, what they ate. She writes a paper.

Reading it, the student A is immensely grateful and enthralled. Here is WD illuminating so much he didn't know about his own family history, and doing it authentically, backing everything with references, research and well-developed perspective.

Then,  he reads WD asserting that all males in his mothers family including he himself had an Oedipus complex towards their mothers. This does not ring true to his knowledge of himself, and of his predecessors. However, he respects WD's scholarly ethic, and reads on, expecting that she will provide scholarly basis from the ancient texts for her assertion.

WD writes that her basis for the assertion is the text stating that his mother breastfed him, and that her entire female line made it  tradition to breastfeed their sons. Hence, she writes, that given the sustained family breastfeeding tradition, the student and all males of his mother's line must necessarily have had an Oedipus complex.

The student thinks this is insufficient factual and logical basis for her drastic assertion and says so. WD replies this is an authentic alternate interpretation from the point of view of women and lower castes who were oppressed by the Hindu upper caste male who composed and transcribed the Sanskrit texts she is interpreting.

The still-respectful but still-puzzled student asks- on what basis does WD claim authenticity on behalf of women and lower castes? WD replies that the writers of the texts were oppressive upper caste Hindu males and WD is a renowned scholar of those texts. Hence, the alternate interpretation is authentic. The  student is also upper caste Hindu male, hence his questioning her is an example of suppressing alternate interpretations.

Moreover,  the student has never written peer-reviewed academic papers on his family and neither did his mother. They have no legitimate reason to question WD's authority on his Oedipus complex.

The confused student is now left with some possibilities. So that he can hold on to his respect for WD's scholarship, he can:

1. Accept WD's fact-based research and say her conclusion about his Oedipus complex has insufficient basis.
2. Accept WD's fact-based research, and find other interpretations to place beside WD's interpretation of his Oedipus complex.

It now becomes public that a student is questioning the basis of WD's assertions about his Oedipus complex. People write articles in the 'Guardian', and the 'The Hindu' decrying the rise of student   fundamentalism and expressing admiration for WD's stellar academic work. NYT publishes a expat Indian writer ruing how middle class Indian male students are unwilling to listen to anything negative about themselves and their origins. The NYT op-ed holds up the Delhi rape and widespread female foeticide as the inevitable outcome of this intolerance.

The student, still pursuing the truth, is now at a further loss. He feels he has authoritative alternate interpretations of the Sanskrit texts to argue that WD is not necessarily right about his and his ancestors' Oedipus complex. But academically it is impossible for him to present these alternate interpretations because all academia on the student's origins require using same psycho-sexual methodology as WD did. One academic does jump in and disagree with WD. He says that his reasearch indicates it was the student's maternal ancestors who had an Electra complex.

Unfortunately, WD's report on the student and his origins is withdrawn from publication in India, though it is still read all over the world. Now a large number of the student's family in India are even less empowered to offer authoritative alternatives to what WD wrote about their family history.

Meanwhile, in recognition of the 'fundamentalist' opposition to her work, WD's paper wins an international award.

PS: A movie/TV version of Jane Austen's Mansfield Park was once ruined for me by similar 'sexualized alternative interpretation'. This interpretation was somewhere justified on the lines(paraphrasing from memory) 'Jane Austen lived in an oppressive patriarchal society; women and blacks were suppressed;the text that her uncle owned estates in West Indies and traveled there is sufficient to conclude the uncle was a sexual sadist who raped female slaves while there. Hence, we will have the heroine Fanny stumble across scenes of his raping female slaves because this is the most authentic interpretation of the uncle and the text'.

http://www.jasna.org/persuasions/on-line/vol25no1/groenendyk.html

Monday, January 20, 2014

Crypto-imperialism of the Pakistan Elite





It is not easy to make sense of Pakistan's persistent acrimony with India, Afghanistan and the USA, its intractable international disputes, its versions of history, its attitudes towards terrorists operating at home and abroad, and more recently its reactions to Bangladesh's trials for atrocities in the 1971 civil war. Some Pakistani discourse on these subjects is very reasonable, liberal and enlightened. But for most part, Pakistani opinions appear to be angry, demagogic and tending to promote historical grievances.

A plausible explanation for this apparent appetite for discord lies in the mental hang-ups of the Pakistani elite. By 'elite' is meant the influential class of decision- and opinion-makers at the higher levels of Pakistani society, which include leading lights of political parties, big landowners, hereditary Pirs, and people who have risen to success in business, bureaucracy, military and media. For various reasons, they cultivate a self-image of being direct descendants and ideological heirs of medieval empire-builders and torchbearers of religion; in short, modern-day remnants of grand empires and religious conquests.

Thus, Pakistan's elite, are at best aspiring feudalists and at worst, frustrated imperialists. They rule over what they see as nameless faceless multitudes in Pakistan and have, on multiple occasions, declared it moral necessity to rule without a constitution, or to suspend the public’s right to vote or to suppress regional autonomy, economies and even languages.   

The aforesaid hang-ups of Pakistan elite have ensured that whenever a question of democratic or political rights of any group has been raised, it only deepened feelings of injustice and betrayal in these frustrated imperialists. Any calls for mutually respectful co-existence by others have been seen as conspiracies to sap the will of the Pakistani elite, who already suffer because the unjust modern world order does not offer them due deference.

For example, one hears repeated statements to the effect 'we ruled over the Hindus for a 1000 years and India was a just society then.' Pakistani elite feel they were tricked by Indian National Congress (INC) out of their patrimony of ruling over the multitudes of India. In particular, the absence of elite Muslim rule over the lower caste Hindu multitudes is an ongoing human rights violation epitomized by the Indian state, fraudulently established in 1947 by an illegitimate elected majority of the Congress. Poseurs such as Gandhi tricked the Indian population by staging a faked mass independence movement in sinister defiance of Mohammed Ali Jinnah's strong disapproval. The misled Indians were then incited by INC to illicitly break their legally mandated feudatory relationship with the British and the Pakistani elite whose forefathers had won their right to rule India in the battlefield.

Take the Ayesha Jalal school of Partition history. Even ostensibly liberal Pakistanis feel that INC betrayed Muslim League (ML) in 1947 by conceding ML's own longstanding demand of Pakistan and depriving ML of its right to veto the Indian Constitution indefinitely as it had done since 1939. Instead, INC should have suppressed its own elected majority, sunk the hopes, wishes and rights of its millions of constituents and refrained from declaring a sovereign India in 1947. INC should have allowed ML to veto the Indian Constitution and State until ML chose to secede as Pakistan at a time of its choice. When INC chose to settle for full sovereignty and partition in 1947 by asserting its elected mandate, its undeserving leaders essentially usurped the dispossessed Muslim elites’ rights over India. The INC’s electoral mandate, whether as majority or minority, was unauthorized and illiberal.

Consider recent outrage over Bangladesh's execution of Abdul Quader Molla, convicted for the killings of hundreds in 1971. The Pakistani parliament passed a resolution condemning the hanging and Imran Khan asserted that Molla was innocent. Many Pakistanis think that in cahoots with the malign Indian state, East Bengalis betrayed the right of 'racially and spiritually superior' West Pakistan elite to rule them, with or without a constitution. They deprived West Pakistanis of power to deny East Bengalis a just share of the revenues that East Bengalis contributed. On being massacred, East Bengalis unjustly fought back, and cravenly chose to exercise their elected mandate, snatching West Pakistan’s power to deprive them of it.

Pakistan's frustrated imperialists thus feel unjustly deprived by their neighbors of extraterritorial populations to rule over, and extraterritorial resources to harvest. More recently, outrage is expressed about USA, Afghanistan and India raising the issue of jihadi militias attacking soldiers and civilians. In demanding that Pakistan rein in jihadi fighters without offering any quid pro quo, these countries are denying Pakistan its legitimate power to coerce and kill citizens in neighboring countries. The US has also been threatening to deprive Pakistanis of billions of US taxpayers' dollars. This is seen as extremely unfair, because Pakistanis feel they are on the side of justice in all three cases: Afghans do not deserve to choose their own government, Indians do not deserve to live free of attacks, and Americans do not deserve to spend their wealth elsewhere.

Lately, the Pakistani elite feel that fellow Pakistanis, namely Baluchis, Sindhis and Pashtuns are also betraying them by raising questions about Pakistani Punjab's right to deprive them of their fair shares of river waters and revenues from natural gas. The elite are also in conflict with jihadi militias, who were previously obedient, over who should exercise absolute power over the other.

In summary, the Pakistani elite being hidebound by their lineages and religious adherence, feel they are owed limitless feudal and imperial over lordship over others. But others, being small-minded and self-serving, have denied it to them; hence force must be used to achieve it.

If no way can be found to get through this mammoth sense of entitlement and betrayal of the Pakistani elite, any individual or group or nation, small or large, can forget about achieving co-existence with them on mutually respectful, equitable, and peaceful terms.
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